Speaking to the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East in 1948, for example, Nehru noted that he was "all in favor of the population being checked, but I think there is a great misapprehension when so much stress is laid on this aspect… We are overpopulated, if you like, because our productive capacity is low. If we increase our production, agricultural and other, [and] if this population is put to work for production, then we are not overpopulated."

In other words, for Nehru, "No country can be overpopulated, if there is work for everyone."

Economic development, more than population control, became the new mantra of Nehru's regime, and with the aim of rapidly increasing agricultural and industrial production, the government launched the first of a series of Five Year Plans in 1951. The plans resulted in some notable successes. For instance, in 1966 Indian farmers produced 1.7 times the amount of grain as they had in 1951.

Skeptics, however, warned that any such increase was rapidly eroded by India's growing population, which increased by a factor of nearly 1.5 between 1950 and 1969. Thus, throughout the Nehru era, from 1947 until the Prime Minister's death in 1964, India attempted to balance "underproduction" and "overpopulation."

1960s: When the Rains Failed

In 1965 the monsoon rains never came. India's food production plunged, and reports emerged that in the worst-affected areas, people were living on the edge of starvation.

Faced with a worsening crisis, the new Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, appealed to the United States for food aid. The Americans had food to give, but President Lyndon B. Johnson kept a tight rein on shipments to India. As he noted to an aide, "I'm not going to piss away foreign aid in nations where they refuse to deal with their own population problems."

When the American president met with Mrs. Gandhi, he was reportedly satisfied by her assurances on population control. Soon after this meeting, Johnson sent a memorandum to Congress requesting approval of food aid to India, noting that "The Indian government believes there can be no effective solution of the Indian food problem that does not include population control. The choice is now between a comprehensive and humane program for limiting births and the brutal curb that is imposed by famine."

With US aid, India managed to avoid this "brutal curb," and improved climate conditions in the late 1960s supported important changes in Indian agriculture known as the "Green Revolution." Working with new high-yield varieties of wheat and rice, and supported by intensive capital investments in fertilizer and irrigation, some Indian farmers succeeded in rapidly increasing food grain production, which reached almost 100 million tons in 1969.

India and the "Population Bomb"

By the early 1970s, India appeared to be well on its way to solving the problem of rising population through increased food production. If, following Nehru and earlier nationalists, the true Indian problem was "underproduction" rather than "overpopulation," then at least in agriculture, production was potentially meeting the needs of the people.

One might expect, then, that concerns about Indian overpopulation would diminish, but the late 1960s and early 1970s witnessed renewed debate about population growth.

The lag-time on the benefits of the "Green Revolution" and the memory of the near-famine of 1965 help explain this renewed concern. Perhaps more importantly, however, anxieties about overpopulation developed in response to the changing balance of power in the post-colonial world.

In 1969, Paul Ehrlich brought these concerns to the fore in his best-selling book The Population Bomb, which opens with this memorable passage describing a "stinking hot night in Delhi."

"The streets," he wrote, "seemed alive with people. People eating, people washing, people sleeping. People visiting, arguing, and screaming. People thrusting their hands through the taxi window, begging… People, people, people, people. As we moved slowly through the mob… the dust, noise, heat, and cooking fires gave the scene a hellish aspect."

Ehrlich wrote the book for the Sierra Club, and for a generation of environmental activists India thus became a metaphor for the global population explosion.

Many of Ehrlich's claims may have sounded familiar to nineteenth century British administrators grappling with Indian famines. However, The Population Bomb—alongside other texts of the Cold War era—introduced something new as well.

Ehrlich insisted that the "bomb" of overpopulation not only posed a risk to the overcrowded countries, but also threatened the entire planet. In the globalizing world of the mid-twentieth century, Indians could not be expected to "starve silently" on their overcrowded land, but to venture outward in search of more—with untold consequences for the "American way of life."

Ehrlich thus linked Indian "overpopulation" to American security and consumption standards to argue that "advanced nations" take responsibility for encouraging population control among the "overpopulated countries."

Ehrlich's message was well-received in the United States, and by 1974, the book had sold over four million copies and gone through twenty-two printings. The Population Bomb—coming as it did in the context of Cold War tensions (especially fears that India would follow China to communism), decolonization in Asia and Africa, and broader social unrest both in the US and the "third world"—convinced Americans that India's growing population, with its demand for a greater share of world resources, represented a threat to U.S. global influence.

While American leaders and ordinary citizens worried about the ever-growing number of Indians inhabiting the planet, the Indian government took its own unprecedented steps towards curbing population growth.

The government of Indira Gandhi was already under substantial American and international pressure to engage in programs of population control. Mrs. Gandhi herself had a deep personal interest in the issue, and just one day after her election as Prime Minister, she signaled her commitment by changing the name of the "Ministry of Health" to the "Ministry of Health and Family Planning."

Beyond Mrs. Gandhi's personal interest, the broader socio-economic conditions of the 1970s help explain the government's redoubled interest in controlling population. A quarter-century after independence, not all Indians had yet seen tangible gains from decolonization.

Although the Green Revolution had brought prosperity to some farmers, other rural areas still languished—passed over by the new technologies and infrastructure that supported agricultural production in the core bread-basket regions. Unemployment, including among high school and college-educated individuals, continued to be a concern, and the economy was not creating enough new jobs to meet the people's needs.

Faced with these problems, Mrs. Gandhi adopted the slogan, "Garibi Hatao!" (Eradicate Poverty!) as part of her populist agenda. However, her administration's economic reforms did not meet the rising expectations of ordinary Indian citizens who sought higher living standards and better opportunities in the wake of decolonization.

The longstanding nationalist thesis—that underproduction was the core problem for India—may have sounded increasingly hollow to those who had waited decades for more to be produced—more jobs, more food, more consumer goods.

Turning from underproduction to overpopulation, Mrs. Gandhi looked to population control as a way to bring the promises of economic development to India.

The government's support for "family planning" programs escalated dramatically in 1975, when Mrs. Gandhi declared a state of "Emergency" and suspended the Indian Constitution. In April 1976, the government adopted an "integrated" approach to family planning that used incentives to encourage contraception and sterilization.

In response to the new program, state health officials offered cash payments to men and women who accepted forms of long-term contraception (primarily IUD insertion) or surgical sterilization. Although officials insisted that such payments were non-coercive, in conditions of poverty, the offer of cash or food in exchange for participation certainly took on coercive aspects. Indeed, poor and lower caste groups were disproportionately targeted for "family planning."

Despite media censorship, reports began to trickle out of terrible abuses—of young men being dragged forcefully to vasectomy "camps," and of police violence against those who protested the new family planning regime. All government employees—from teachers to train conductors—were given "quotas" of people they were required to "motivate" for long-term contraception or sterilization. A sterilization certificate became a requirement for all kinds of resources—ration cards, land allotments, new housing for slum dwellers, and even electricity connections, in some cases.

In 1977, with the end of the Emergency, Indira Gandhi and her Congress Party lost the Parliamentary elections. These elections also signaled the defeat of her family planning programs. As the newly uncensored media reported story after story about the abuses of the Emergency years, increasing numbers of Indians rejected the very idea of government-sponsored "family planning."

Claims that India was "overpopulated" came in for new questioning as well. During the 1980s and 1990s, the Indian government was forced to moderate its aggressive policies of population control, and fewer leaders and bureaucrats focused on "overpopulation" as a critical problem for India.

Population: Asset or Liability?

With the liberalization of the Indian economy in the 1990s, attention shifted again to the problem of "underproduction." India began to provide "backroom" operations for multinational corporations, and its information technology (IT) sector boomed. In this environment, business leaders touted India's large number of college-educated speakers of English as an asset. In the words of Azim Premji, the chairman of Wipro Technologies in 2003, "India will be the powerhouse of the most important resource—the productive human spirit."

Economists and demographers have tended to agree with this point of view, noting that India's age structure—in which a high percentage of the population is in the productive age group of 15-59—could give India a competitive advantage over the aging populations of Europe, the United States, and China. According to economist C.P. Chandrasekhar, "The window of opportunity offered by a population bulge has clearly opened for India."

From this perspective, the task now is not to control population size—which is expected to continue rising in India until 2050—but to provide adequate resources to make this growing population productive.

Once again, these new, more optimistic, assessments of Indian population size are not just about numbers. Although rates of population growth have slowed in some parts of the country, what fuels the current optimism among business leaders and economists is the broader context of globalization and liberalization of the Indian economy.

This celebration of globalization has not been without its critics in India, who point to environmental degradation and rising levels of income inequality.

Yet even while debate about the costs and benefits of India's globalizing economy continues, one consensus does seem to have emerged. Neither supporters nor critics of India's globalization suggest that overpopulation is a significant problem for the country. They look instead towards increasing production, and perhaps redistributing resources, to address problems of poverty and unemployment.

In the United States, by contrast, the specter of overpopulation still hovers over any discussion of India. As President Bush's St. Louis speech reminds us, the sheer numbers continue to inspire concern. Talk of a new "Asian century," fueled by the production of millions of Indians and Chinese, provokes questions about American consumption standards, and the place of the U.S. in the global economy.

As in the past, American leaders and commentators have again suggested that perhaps the problem lies with India's over-large population, and its ever-growing claims to the world's resources.

In the midst of these concerns, we would do well to remember that the history of India's population has never been solely about numbers, but about the meaning these numbers acquire in specific political and economic contexts. How we answer the question—of whether India really is overpopulated—depends a lot upon how we understand contemporary global politics, and the place of India within it.